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Lime Street conundrum for Lloyd’s

The news that Lloyd’s is reviewing its future occupancy of the iconic Richard Rogers building in Lime Street is no surprise. Although it commissioned the building on the site of an older Lloyd’s building from the 1920s, it no longer owns it. It was first sold to Commerzbank for £231m in 2005 before Chinese insurer Ping An paid £260m for it in 2013. Lloyd’s is a tenant in its own building.

Crucially, the lease from Ping An comes up for renewal in 2031 with a break clause available in 2026. These dates are starting to come into focus and weigh on the minds of senior management at Lloyd’s. 

Digitisation of the way business is placed at Lloyd’s started to make serious progress at the end of the last decade after years of stuttering false starts. This came just in the nick of time as the Covid-19 pandemic closed the market building for months. All the sceptics who dismissed the prospects for digital placement were instantly proved wrong and the market adjusted to the sudden end of face-to-face discussions between brokers and underwriters in the Lime Street building.

Of course, some in-person business has returned spasmodically as the world emerges from the pandemic but everyone knows it will not be the same and that we will certainly not see a return to the queues of anxious brokers hoping to get the signature of a prized underwriter on their clients’ policies.

The drive to digitisation, better use of data and artificial intelligence continues unabated as Lloyd’s has confirmed over the last couple of weeks. 

The future could look like the past
There has already been much talk of how to make best use of the building. Back in the autumn of 2020 I wrote a piece for Insurance Post, imagining how the market might look in 2030:

“The sight of brokers scurrying around EC3 with bulging leather folders is now a distant memory and the complete pedestrianisation of the City, brought forward to 2023 by the Corporation, helped transformed the historic financial centre. Only the quite hum of the driverless electronic pods allowed along Upper and Lower Thames Street reminds us of the once traffic-choked roads.

“Gradually, the iconic Richard Rogers building in Lime Street found a new purpose. The old underwriting boxes became fewer and new, collaborative meeting spaces emerged in their place. Many say it has taken the market back to its roots in Edward Lloyd’s 17th century coffee house.”

This has already started to happen but is it really the solution for the Lime Street building? Clearly, with some imagination it can work for the underwriting floor and the open galleries but what about all that office space above them? This is what must be concerning Lloyd’s bosses.

The big question is what would become of it if Lloyd’s throws in the lease?

It is seen the world over as the Lloyd’s building, the only truly distinctive building associated with the insurance industry in the City of London. Although people may argue that a physical presence in the City is less important in this digital age, it still sends out a clear message about the importance of the insurance industry to the fortunes of the City and, in turn, the UK economy.

We need some imaginative solutions to ensure it retains an association with the insurance industry should Lloyd’s decide to vacate it. There is an Insurance Museum looking for a home but that alone would never be able to fill it or meet the rental expectations of its Chinese owners. Some serious collaboration across the market is required and Lloyd’s needs to initiate that.

Download my 2020 article from Insurance Post.

Beware: Big Dog cornered

The sight of Boris Johnson fighting for his political life is not pretty. He will sacrifice anything and anyone to save his own skin. The blizzard of reports about Operation Save Big Dog and Operation Red Meat should strike fear into the hearts of any reasonable, responsible citizen of this country.

Of course, once the childish names given to the panic-stricken manoeuvring in Downing Street hit the weekend papers it was quickly denied that such plans existed or that they had silly names. No-one believes anything that comes out of the Ministry of Lies at Downing Street anymore.

What is in those plans should concern us all.

Another brutal attack on the BBC, motivated by all the ugly paranoia that was on display throughout the Brexit campaign and beyond. The polarised nature of political discourse today does not allow much room for an independent broadcaster. Unless people hear only an echo of their own voices they automatically think it is against them. They cannot grasp the concept of independence in the media. Such ignorance is rampant among senior ministers.

Even more shocking is the proposal, confirmed this afternoon, to deploy the Royal Navy against refugees trying to cross the English Channel in totally unsuitable inflatable boats. This is an act of heartless brutality. It will do nothing to address the refugee crisis that grips the whole of Europe. It is another demonstration of the alarming lack of ability in this government.

Nothing we do to try to stop these poor people fleeing war, poverty, famine and oppression from reaching the UK will work. The pull of the UK for many is certainly very strong, although only for a minority that reach Europe’s southern shores, but it will never outweigh the push of what they are trying to escape. That is why the only humane and practical solution is to create safe routes.

Safe routes have many obvious advantages, not least that they would sideline the people smugglers. If you can reach the country of your choice and apply for asylum or residence in an orderly and efficient manner why would you need a criminal gang to transport you?

I often walk past the two Kindertransport memorials at London’s Liverpool Street station. We were proud to reach out to those fleeing oppression in 1938. What has happened to our values and our sense of a common humanity?

The policy consequences of Operation Save Big Dog are appalling. But so is Johnson’s willingness to throw anyone under the bus as he flays around looking for people to blame for his own failings. Apparently, everyone else at Downing Street apart from him is responsible for the drinking culture that carried on unabated while the rest of us were trying hard to obey the rules we thought were necessary to protect ourselves and other people.

I even read a suggestion over the weekend that the drinking culture pre-dates Johnson’s time at No 10. Now we know he has taken leave of his senses. Nothing could ever convince me that the joyless Theresa May presided over Westminster’s Party Central.

Big Dog? More like Mad Dog.

Pic credit: Andrew Parsons, CC licence

What to do when a Maxwell rings: put the phone down

I share the shock of many people at the tone of the coverage of the conviction of Ghislaine Maxwell by some media, most notably the BBC.

In a series of serious errors of editorial judgement the BBC have had a procession of Maxwell apologists on radio and TV, including an interview with her brother Ian, striving to put some sort of positive gloss on her appalling crimes.

It prompts me to share one small story about my encounter with the biggest Maxwell crook of them all, her father Robert.

When he was in his pomp in the mid to late 1980s I was due to attend the Labour Party conference as a journalist. Maxwell always hosted an extravagant party at the annual Labour bash by the seaside to which all the great and good of the Labour Movement were invited. Most usually accepted.

I received an invitation to this event which I politely turned down – by letter in those pre email days.

A few days before the conference, the phone rang at my desk overlooking Fleet Street and it was some lackey from Maxwell’s office expressing surprise that I had declined the invitation. I explained it was not a mistake and that I did not want to come to which he said “You do realise that if you turn this down you’ll never be invited to another event hosted by Mr Maxwell”.

I replied “That suits me fine” and put the phone down.

Perhaps a few BBC journalists need to start doing the same.

Does Johnson actually believe his own deluded rhetoric?

If he does, then we should all be worried.

Boris Johnson has blustered his way through the Conservative Party conference, dismissing concerns about the broken fuel supply chain, chronic job shortages in a range of key sectors and the spectre of inflation as he trumpets some hastily concocted nonsense about it all being part of a grand plan to end “decades of drift and dither”.

Does he really expect people to believe such nonsense? Where was this grand plan to reset our economy during the Brexit referendum? So much of what is happening now looks more like the Project Fear Johnson, Gove and Farage were so fond of characterising the pro-EU lobby’s warnings as in 2016.

Perhaps it was part of the “oven ready Brexit” that swept him into office? Except he forgot to tell anyone.

His attempt to take ownership of the crises that seem to be ripping through our economy from every direction by claiming it is part of some long envisaged plan and that this is just a transitional phase is simply delusional nonsense. There is no plan. According to Johnson this transitional phase is proving so challenging because every business in the country wasn’t ready for it. Maybe that is because, before this week, the strategy did not exist.

“Drift and dither” is an apt description of Johnson’s time in office. There is no leadership. There is no sense of being in control of events. There is no competence at any level of this government.

The Tories in Manchester will lap it up. We have to hope that the rest of the country sees through this latest rhetorical smokescreen and realise that unless Johnson is consigned to the history books soon the damage this government is doing will take decades to repair.

Is it Au revoir Rendez-Vous?

For over 60 years, this weekend would have seen the global reinsurance community packing its bags ready to descend on Monte Carlo, that playground of wealthy tax exiles on the French Riviera. This year, as last year, those bags will remain unpacked as the annual Rendez-Vous de Septembre has been cancelled in the face of the Covid-19 pandemic.

The question now being asked in hushed tones around the London Market is: Will it ever return?

For two years the reinsurance market has happily managed its annual renewal season without the need for 3000 expense account fuelled brokers, reinsurers, insurers, consultants and journalists to descend on the Principality of Monaco for its second largest annual event after the Formula 1 Grand Prix. 

The Rendez-Vous has survived several major transitions in the way the market operates since its first event in 1957. As the real work of the renewal season edged closer to the end of the year, fewer and fewer deals were struck in the cafés and bars around the Place du Casino in mid-September but the value of face-to-face conversations in setting the mood for the season remained strong. It also gave new entrants the opportunity to start building relationships with key players and for awkward conversations about rates and terms to be initiated in a convivial environment.

For two years all of that has been done in the new virtual world we inhabit, one that only existed in science fiction when the Rendez-Vous started. 

Many firms are already looking at the money they have saved by not sending an army of senior people to Monte Carlo and are quietly re-assessing the value of the event. In this era of heightened concern about climate change, they will also be looking very hard at the carbon footprint of global travel. Dramatically reducing the numbers of people flying to the south of France is an easy win in their drive to be net zero carbon emitters.

Does this mean the Rendez-Vous is dead?

Probably not yet, but on the assumption the organisers attempt to put it on next year I expect we will see a greatly reduced presence. It may well be the beginning of the end.

Of course, the die-hards will be there and I expect most firms will send small teams to ensure they have a presence. One of the first questions they will be asked on their return to their offices is “Was it worth it?”. Their bosses won’t be looking for anecdotes about glitzy cocktail parties but hard evidence of demonstrable business value. So, 2022 might be just a much-reduced shadow of past bonanzas. 2023 could be the year that the Rendez-Vous de Septembre really starts to struggle if the organisers cannot find a new magic formula.

I don’t take any great pleasure in saying this, especially as I have many fond memories of my handful of forays into the hard-bargaining, hard-gossiping, hard-drinking world of the Rendez-Vous. But the world moves on and it looks increasingly as if the Rendez-Vous is becoming a relic of the past.

How long will Tories tolerate Johnson’s rank incompetence?

The distinguishing hallmark of this government and its lasting legacy will be its almost criminal incompetence. No government in my lifetime or, as far as I can see, in the history of modern government in this country, has so consistently blundered from crisis-to-crisis. Surely, there must come a time when even the most loyal of Tories realise that the man they put in charge of their party and the country is an embarrassment to both?

There are signs that Tory voters are turning against Johnson’s government.

The shattering defeat they suffered at the hands of the Liberal Democrats in the Chesham and Amersham byelection in June came hard on the heels of the loss of a significant number of key seats in the May council elections, especially in traditional Tory voting areas in the south. What analysis there has been of these defeats has mainly focussed on the strong Remain votes there were in these areas, suggesting the losses are a punishment for Brexit.

That is only a partial explanation and one that actually suits Tories looking for straws to clutch.

Brexit has undoubtedly played a part in these limited electoral setbacks but it is not so much Brexit of itself that has dismayed Tory voters but the incompetence of Brexit that is starting to gnaw away at them. Johnson’s idiotic sloganising about an “Oven Ready Brexit” is coming back to haunt him. Try finding an oven ready Brexit on the empty supermarket shelves.

To the charge sheet of incompetence can be added almost every response to the Covid-19 pandemic, apart from the initial phase of the vaccine roll-out.

Now, we have the unforgivably shambolic handling of the retreat from Afghanistan. This was flagged up months ago when Trump did his deal with the Taliban. Biden made no secret of his determination to see a full American withdrawal through to its conclusion. The Johnson government has no excuses for not being well-prepared and should have been evacuating large numbers of people from that blighted country months ago.

Johnson’s bumbling image, once thought endearing but merely superficial, is now ruthlessly exposed as all the man has to offer. It is a fatal character flaw in a country’s leader. His obviously paranoid fear of challenge from within government has meant that he has surrounded himself with a second-rate Cabinet. Wherever you look in this government you find incompetence, indecision and chaos.

We should not lose sight of the human cost of these failures. How many lives continue to be lost as Johnson continues to blunder through the corridors of power?

I cannot help feeling this will continue to gnaw away at Tory voters, even without an effective opposition to exploit Johnson’s many vulnerabilities. Tories are not, on the whole, the type of people who will forgive incompetence and that is what many political analysts are missing. The Remain voting Tories would probably – eventually – forgive Johnson for delivering Brexit if it was a competently delivered Brexit. There will be plenty more headlines to come about the unwanted consequences of leaving the European Union, especially when people start travelling abroad in greater numbers again. There will be long queues at passport control for us non-EU citizens, shocking bills for mobile phone roaming charges, horror stories about the cost of medical treatment for those not realising they now have to take out their own medical insurance when travelling to Europe – and the list will grow.

The unwanted and unplanned for consequences of Brexit will not go away. They will be with us for a very long time to come. Wishing them away will not save the Tories. They will have to take responsibility for them and for the man who is presiding over them.

No government is perfect – and the Covid-19 pandemic has tested every country – but never has a government failed so consistently in every department and in the face of every challenge. Many of us thoroughly disliked the Thatcher government of the 1980s but at least for a decade it was competent. When Thatcher stopped delivering, especially as the disaster of the Poll Tax caught up with her, the Tories ruthlessly dispatched her.

We could do with a bit of that Tory ruthlessness now.

The Secret History of WW2 starts to tell the stories behind Operation Aerial

It was great to be featured in last night’s first episode Channel 5 Select’s new series The Secret History of World War II, telling some of the amazing, yet little known, stories about the evacuations from France in June 1940 after the fall of Dunkirk.

Over 220,000 troops and civilians were rescued from the advancing Nazi forces after the last boat left Dunkirk on 4 June but little is known about how those evacuations that went under the code names Operation Cycle and Operation Aerial came together and lifted so many desperate souls from the ports around the Brittany and Atlantic coast of France. This is something I have tried to put right in my new book Operation Aerial: Churchill’s Second Miracle of Deliverance, due to be published by Sabrestorm Publishing later this summer.

Starting to tell some of the amazing stories about fleeing from France in 1940 with the help of Channel 5 Select

When the production company behind the new series, Woodcut Media, approached me to take part in their new series I jumped at the opportunity and was delighted with the results in last night’s programme. This included the sinking of the Lancastria at St Nazaire – Britain’s largest maritime loss of life – the surrender of the Highland Division at St Valery and the spiriting out of the world’s supply of heavy water from under the noses of the Nazis by an eccentric British aristocrat. These are just a few of the stories that will be in my book.

The programme is available for the next month on the My5 website or the 5 Select catch-up on Freeview 55, Sky 153, Virgin Media 152, TalkTalk TV55, or Freesat 133.

WW1 racism: in sickness and in death

The revelations about the appalling lack of respect accorded to Indian and African troops who died serving the British Empire in the First World War comes as little surprise, although that does not lessen the shock and shame.

Anyone who has seriously studied that war and the role played by Empire soldiers will know that racial prejudice and discrimination was rife. Just as it was inhumanely manifest in how they were treated in death, so it was in how they were treated when they were wounded or ill.

It was a constant background to the story of Thomas Kelly, the Irish Catholic doctor from Galway, whose story I told in Fighting for the Empire.

He was a doctor in the Indian Medical Service which, as the name suggests, was responsible for providing medical services to Indian regiments. He had already been doing this for nearly 20 years when the First World War broke out and he had run into many examples of racism during his career. The doctors in the Royal Army Medical Corps – only responsible for treating white soldiers ­­– looked down on the IMS doctors. Kelly had been dismissed as a “Sikh fellow” by one RAMC doctor when serving in Tibet, the implication being that by looking after the Indian troops he had somehow gone native in the eyes of RAMC medics.

Wasteful discrimination
In 1914 Kelly was put in command of an IMS medical unit and sent to Egypt where he quickly found himself arguing with the British commanders of Indian military units about their treatment of the men under their command. A constant irritation to him was what he saw as the wasteful separation of medical services, the IMS for Indian troops and the RAMC for British soldiers. Too often, Indian soldiers were turned away from RAMC facilities, something Kelly refused to reciprocate, treating anyone who needed help.

This separation started to break down in 1915 when he was sent to Aden where the Turks were forcing the British back. There he found the medical services overwhelmed and was given a free hand to sort the mess out, including being put in command of an RAMC unit alongside his own IMS unit in the nick of time as a major counter-offensive was being launched. His work in creating a hospital overnight out of dockside warehouses won him one of his many Mentions in Dispatches.

From Aden he was sent to Mesopotamia (present-day Iraq) where the medical situation was even worse following the capture of Kut by the Turks after a long siege, one of Britain’s great military failures. It was as if little or nothing had been learnt in the wake of Florence Nightingale’s encounter with poor medical care in the Crimea over half a century earlier.

In Mesopotamia, the separation of RAMC and IMS medical units was part of the problem, as Kelly pointed out to the military commanders whenever he had the opportunity. Eventually, they gave way and merged them in the field with Kelly put in command of one of the first of the new generation of combined hospital facilities in Nasariyah.

He was not finished.

Campaign for equal quality of care
His next campaign was to ensure that both British and Indian troops, although still on separate wards in the combined hospitals, received the same quality of treatment. His most insistent complaint was the refusal of the military high command to allow British nurses to care for Indian troops instead of having to rely on less well trained male Indian orderlies. There is a remarkable exchange of memoranda in the National Archives between Kelly and Lt General Stanley Maude, the Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in Mesopotamia, in which Maude played every card imaginable, many of them insultingly racist, to block Kelly’s demands.

Kelly, second right, shows Gen Maude around his new combined hospital accompanied by Sister Phoebe Exshaw

Eventually, Kelly won as the War Office in London, reeling from Parliamentary criticism of the collapse of the medical services at Kut, stepped in and authorised a trial. Within two weeks Kelly had six British nurses, all volunteers, led by Sister Phoebe Exshaw, settling in at Nasariyah.

The combined hospitals and field ambulances, together with the deployment of trained British nurses gradually became established across all the combat zones, small victories against the institutional racism that casts its long, tragic shadow across so many aspects of the history of the British Empire. It is a shadow that needs to be acknowledged but not allowed to completely obscure the stories of those like Kelly constantly struggling to live out a higher set of values in the service of humanity.

Kelly was Mentioned in Dispatches on four occasions during WW1 and awarded the Distinguished Service Order on the recommendation of General Maude, a magnanimous gesture. At the end of the war, aged 48, he married Gertrude Fenn in Bombay, one of those six nurses who volunteered to break down some of those racial barriers.

Fighting for the Empire was published by Sabrestorm Publishing in 2016.

Jonathan Fryer: farewell dear friend

Jonathan Fryer lived many lives and he excelled at all of them: politician, author, journalist, Quaker, friend. His death last Friday at the age of 70 after a short illness has prompted many fine tributes. Let me add mine.

Above everything, Jonathan was a great friend. He touched so many people’s lives with his kindness and simple humanity. He always sought the good in everyone, anger being an emotion that only rarely broke through before quickly evaporating.

This does not mean he was not tough. He had to be given his early life vividly recounted in the self-published autobiography Eccles Cakes: An Odd Tale of Survival.

Courage. That is the word that kept recurring in my mind as I read this powerful insight into Jonathan’s troubled childhood. Courage in writing it. Courage in dealing with the abuse he suffered. Courage in throwing himself into the chaos and danger of a war zone on his own resources at the age of 19.

It is a shocking story but often also a heart-warming one as it shows how he triumphed over everything. He never hid the grim reality of his life at home but skilfully managed to avoid excessive self-pity by restricting it to the occasional flashback insight into his feelings at the time.

What a shame we shall now never read the second volume of his autobiography. Jonathan started writing this but set it aside last year as he secured a commission for another book. He was a prolific author, bringing a wide variety of subjects to life, and always full of helpful advice for other authors. His fifteen or so books covered a diverse range, from Oscar Wilde, Soho in the Fifties and Sixties to international affairs, reflecting Jonathan’s many deep interests and passions.

It was as a politician that I knew him best.

He had been a Young Liberal since 1964 when he heard Jo Grimond at his inspirational best at school – and was chairman of the Liberal Club when he was at Oxford University – but it was when he returned to London from Brussels in the early 1980s that our paths rapidly converged.

He threw himself in London Liberal politics, standing for Parliament in Chelsea in 1983 and in the once Liberal-held seat of Orpington in 1987 where he also served as councillor on the London Borough of Bromley.

Jonathan with my wife, Mariette Mason, who was then chair of Leyton Liberal Democrats in 1990

For four years I was his campaign manager and agent in Leyton which he fought in 1992. He gave it everything, as he always did. His brilliance with languages meant he mastered Urdu within months of being adopted to fight Leyton with its large Asian population. When I expressed my amazement, he told me that after the first five languages learning a new one was easy, a very rare moment of boastfulness.

He fought two more General Elections in 2010 and 2017.

While I believe he would have made a very fine MP, his real passion was Europe and he dearly wanted to be an MEP. I did once tell him that Westminster would benefit from his insights into foreign affairs and the media more than the EU where he would be preaching to the converted: he was not convinced. He fought every European Parliament election from the first one in 1979, coming within 0.6% of winning a seat in 2004 and being fourth on the party’s London list in 2019 when the Liberal Democrats won three seats in the capital. Brexit was a cruel personal blow to this cherished ambition.

He was a consummate internationalist, as well as Liberal to his core. He held various positions in European and international organisations and was a trusted adviser on foreign affairs to several Liberal Democrat leaders, especially Paddy Ashdown.

He rarely, if ever, flaunted his many friendships with the great and the good of Liberal and Liberal Democrat politics, the media or literary circles. It was easy to be taken by surprise by the extent of friendships, as I was on more than one occasion, such as encountering Jeremy Thorpe at one of Jonathan’s Christmas parties.

He never allowed his own difficult childhood to reflect on his enjoyment of the family life of others. He was always happy to be invited to family occasions and see young children running around his house at those Christmas parties.

We should not overlook his religious faith as that also sat deep within his character. He was active within the Religious Society of Friends (The Quakers), he was one of the small group that in 1979 set up the Quaker House in Brussels. His contributions to Radio 4’s Thought for the Day were always accessible and enlightening.

A final farewell

The final, smiling picture of Jonathan taken on Easter Sunday, less than two weeks before he died, with his friend Adrian Hyyrylainen-Trett drinking a Campari Negroni in the garden of the hospice in Hackney, shows a man at peace with himself.

May he Rest in Peace and, as he believed, Rise in Glory.

• There is a detailed biography on Wikipedia

• Jonathan worked at the BBC World Service for many years and was an active member of the Association of European Journalists. Many of his former colleagues have added their heartfelt tributes to the AEJ-UK website.

Fighting the plague: history repeats itself

It is strange how often history repeats itself. As the Covid-19 pandemic has swept around the world over the last year I have often wondered how Thomas Kelly, the Irish doctor whose remarkable story I told in Fighting for the Empire would have reacted.

He was at the epicentre of a battle to stop the plague spreading to India 115 years ago and had to combat plague deniers, opposition to vaccinations and more.

Captain Thomas Kelly was in his mid-30s and serving with the Indian medical Service. He had just returned from Tibet and was already overdue his seven year leave back to Ireland, which he had left in January 1897. Instead of returning to the Emerald Isle, his superiors packed him off to the remote province of Seistan in Persia (present day Iran) where the plague was decimating the local population and threatening the trade routes between Iran and India.

It was dangerous. Previous medical officers had caught the disease and died. Over two years the population of the town of Nasratabad, where Kelly was based, had been reduced from 2500 to 300.

Kelly knew what he had to do to eradicate the plague and it included persuading locals to burn the clothes and possessions of plague victims. This was deliberately twisted by local religious leaders who started rumours flying that the British doctor and his helpers were burning the Koran, dressing the women in nice clothes so they could seduce them and using new medicines – inoculations – to spread the disease.

Rampaging mob
Fear, ignorance and religion are a potent mix and on 27 March 1906 a mob of 500 started rampaging through the streets of Nasratabad, quickly burning down a small Belgian hospital before turning on the British consulate and Kelly’s temporary laboratory, where just six British officers and 20 Indian sepoys were stationed.

Kelly and the commanding officer, Captain Macpherson, went outside in an attempt to pacify the mob but the situation was already beyond control and they were beaten and stoned, retreating, bruised and battered into the main consulate building as the troops inside fired warning shots over the heads of the rioters.

The rifle shots were sufficient to alert the Russians in their consulate in the immediately adjacent sister town of Husseinabad to the seriousness of the trouble that was brewing. They were in a rather stronger position in terms of military forces as a detachment of Cossacks [Russian cavalry] had recently been posted there and they were quickly on their way to disperse the baying crowd, some of whom were by then on the roof of the besieged consulate with flaming torches. The Russians knew that if they burnt out the British the riot would gather momentum and they would be the next target: they were protecting their own interests as much as those of Kelly and his British colleagues.

News of the attack on the consulate quickly spread round the world, hitting the British papers just four days later.

“BRITISH CONSULATE MOBBED. AN OUTBREAK IN SEISTAN. The following telegram, says Reuter, has been received in St. Petersburg from Teheran:—”A fanatical Persian doctor named Kukema incited the population of Seistan against the European doctors, who had begun to take the plague sufferers from their houses to the hospitals, destroyed the medicines and surgical appliances, and attacked the British Consulate. The Consul himself and the British doctor were beaten with sticks and the Customs-house was only saved by the timely arrival of the Russian Consul with Cossacks.

“The responsibility for the outrage rests with the Governor of Khorassan, who, acting contrary to the orders of the Persian Government, sent the fanatic to Seistan to declare that no epidemic of plague existed in the province and that the reports of its prevalence were the inventions of Europeans.”

It took two years but Kelly rid Seistan of the plague.

The Kelly story is told in Fighting for the Empire.